The Leech Lake Ojibwa’s Wild Rice Culture

Andrew Brown

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History of the Leech Lake Band
Manoomin ~ Wild Rice
Manoominikewin ~ Making Rice
Neegoniwabungigaywin ~ The Future
Works Cited

History of the Ojibwa People

Ojibwa people belong to the Midewiwin society or Grand Medicine Society of the aboriginal groups of the Maritimes, New England, and Great Lakes regions in North America. Tribal groups who have such societies passed along birch bark scrolls with ceremonies and teachings. They are often associated with the Seven Fires Society, and other aboriginal groups or organizations. The Ojibwa are also known as Anishinaabeg which means “original man” or “the people”. The Ojibwa are the largest Native American tribe on the continent north of Mexico. They are descendants of the Algonquian language family to the east. Their history tells of a prophecy to move west following the Great Lakes until they reached the land where food grew on the water. The food it spoke of was wild rice, and it resulted in the development of one of the largest tribes in North America. They settled the regions of Wisconsin and Southern Ontario first, and then began to move west into Minnesota taking control of Dakota Sioux lands (Warren).

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History of the Leech Lake Band

The Leech Lake Reservation was not always in the possession of the Ojibwa people. In the 1600’s this land was occupied by the Dakota people. Historically, the Mississippi headwaters had always been an attractive area to indigenous tribes due to its abundance of natural resources. The Ojibwa people moved into this region as a result of the Beaver Wars with tribes belonging to the Iroquois Confederacy. These wars began with an attempt by the Iroquois to monopolize the fur trade and control European trade with western Great Lakes tribes. The Ojibwa were one of these tribes. However, even prior to this point there was competition for the hunting grounds. Prior to the Beaver Wars, there was another tribe called the Fox who dominated most of Wisconsin. There were three major competitors for the hunting grounds south and west of Lake Superior; the Ojibwa, Dakota Sioux, and the Fox (Sultzman).

The Fox were enemies of the Iroquois Confederacy, but they also were at war with the French. This conflict was over a number of key waterways and portages that linked Wisconsin to the Mississippi waterway. French forces clashed several times with the Fox in the early 1700’s, greatly reducing Fox population. Originally, the Fox were estimated to number 10,000 strong, but between the years of 1700-1737 their numbers dropped to about 500. By 1737 the French had won the war against the Fox, but an even larger enemy was about to surface, the Dakota Sioux (Sultzman).

The Dakota Sioux occupied the Eastern Dakotas and Minnesota until the 1700’s and subsisted as a woodland culture, thriving on hunting, fishing, and farming. Hostilities between Ojibwa and Sioux existed long before the European fur trade, but these disputes were normal territorial issues and rarely serious. The hunting lands in Northern Minnesota were peacefully shared before the fur trade. By the mid 1700’s the Ojibwa had used up most of the beaver on their own lands supplying the French. This forced them to rely more on shared hunting territory and to look with desire on the fur and rice lakes the Dakota had in Minnesota (Sultzman).

The Dakota became increasingly disturbed by the heavy Ojibwa hunting, but trouble came in 1736 when the French sold firearms to Sioux enemies: the Cree and Assiniboine. The Dakota would not tolerate the French arming their enemies and attacked Fort St. Charles killing 21 Frenchmen. Protecting their interests as French allies, the Ojibwa swore revenge and formed an alliance with the Cree and Assiniboine. Armed with French weapons, better canoes, and a healthy supply of warriors, the Ojibwa began a campaign to drive the Sioux out of Minnesota. These battles stretched from the Minnesota River North to the Red River Valley (Sultzman). These two tribes had become sworn enemies of each other and the Ojibwa were commonly referred to the Dakota as Na-dou-esse meaning, “snake in the grass”. This name was pronounced “Nadouesioux” by the French and later shortened to just “Sioux” (Danziger).

The first attacks on the Mississippi headwaters came from an Ojibwa chieftain of the Lake Superior bands by the name of Bi-aus-wah. This occurred at the Sioux village on Sandy Lake. Sandy Lake and its many bays contained a flourishing wild rice crop and the region surrounding the lake was home to a bountiful population of wild game. In addition, its waters were easily accessed via the Savannah Portage, which linked the Mississippi watershed to the Great Lakes watershed. These abundant resources could help sustain a large settlement and were very enticing to Bi-aus-wah and his people. He sent his war-club, tobacco, and wampum belt of war to the scattered bands of his tribe to recruit warriors to march with him against the Sioux villages at Sandy Lake. Wampum belts presented or received at councils, often recorded significant events in history. Woven belts were records of important events, ideas, contracts, pledges, treaties or compacts between political entities (Warren).

Armed with firearms obtained from French traders, Bi-aus-wah and his warriors had a decided advantage over the Dakotas. After repeated attacks sustained by reinforcements, the Dakotas were driven off battered and discouraged. Bi-aus-wah had finally gained control of Sandy Lake for his people. This was the first Ojibwa village on the Mississippi headwaters (Warren).

From Sandy Lake many more Ojibwa war parties plunged farther into the headwaters region, and bloody conflict persisted over the land and resources. At the same time conflict between the Sioux and Ojibwa had erupted over much of Minnesota and Southern Ontario. Some years after the Ojibwa took Sandy Lake, the Sioux gathered warriors together in an effort to drive the Ojibwa out of the headwaters country, but this attempt was in vain. The Ojibwa were able to drive back the Dakota counter-attacks and maintain a firm grip on the landscape. By 1780 there was not a single Sioux village north of the Minnesota River. Discouraged by the loss of many hunters and warriors the Sioux withdrew to the south and west, continuing for years to lead small war parties against the Ojibwa as revenge for the blood shed by their warriors. Soon after the Dakota counter attack, Ojibwa settlements from the Bear and Catfish clans were established on the islands of Leech Lake, Cass Lake and Lake Winnibigoshish (all within the present day boundaries of the Leech Lake Reservation). William Warren gives a second-hand account of what it was like to live in the days and months following Ojibwa settlement of Leech Lake.

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Manoomin ~ Wild Rice

The Ojibway word for wild rice is “manoomin” which has several accepted meanings including “good berry” and “good seed.” Wild Rice is not actually a member of the rice family. It is a member of the Gramineae family which is technically classified as grasses. This family of plants includes many species that serve as staple food plants throughout the world. There are three species of wild rice in North America; Northern Wild Rice (Zizania palustris), Wild Rice (Zizania aquatica), and Texas Wild Rice (Zizania texana). Texas Wild Rice is a rare variety of Zizania that grows in an isolated area in the San Marcos River of Texas. Both Z. palustris and Z. aquatica grow in Minnesota, but Z. palustris is native to Northern Minnesota and the Leech Lake Reservation. Leech Lake Reservation is home to over 40 wild rice lakes, making it the largest wild rice producing reservation in the state. The plant thrives in the rich alluvial deposits commonly found in the lakes and rivers on the reservation. It needs this bottom structure for anchorage of the plant and for nutrients.

Wild rice is an annual plant, therefore, it requires reseeding each year. Because of this, Ojibwa usually left a percentage of their harvest to ensure seed for future crops. The kernels of wild rice lack natural buoyancy, thus when the seed hits the water it sinks, heavy end down. Once the seed reaches the bottom it settles into the muddy bottom and lays dormant until it has an opportunity to germinate. Since wild rice sinks rapidly and tends to grow in areas devoid of fast flowing currents, enlargement of a rice bed is slow and gradual. Wild rice thrives in waterways where the water is fresh and slow moving. The seed is adapted to sink into the mud and stick, while competing plants with more buoyant seeds are whisked away with the current. Wild rice also has a very hard seed coat and it maintains the ability to remain dormant for several years. Only about 50% of the seeds that fall each year actually germinate the following year, but since seasonal fall and spring flooding stir the bottom, seeds that didn’t germinate from several years in succession can be exposed and given a chance to germinate along with the previous years seeds (Veenum Jr.).

Germination of wild rice begins with spring runoff from mid to late April. Once water warms to about forty-five degrees Fahrenheit the seeds sprout and establish straight, white roots. The plant then develops long thin leaves underwater. Near the end of May the plant relies completely on photosynthesis for food. By the end of June leaves have begun to sprawl on the surface forming a floating stage of thick green mats. One to two weeks later the plant begins to form aerial leaves as the stalk emerges from the water. By August, each stalk forms a pyramid shaped panicle at its apex. This stage is the formation of the head that bears the rice. In Minnesota the ripening period begins around August 18 and lasts until about September 12, with most rice maturing by September 5. The Leech Lake Ojibway termed this period of time Mah-no-min-i-kay Gii-siss, The Ricing Moon (Veenum Jr.).

Traditional Ojibwa have an intimate knowledge of sun and moon phases. They believe that both held answers to seasons, weather, and the fate of many medicines they gathered for subsistence. Paul Buffalo provided an excellent description of this in Dr. Timothy Roufs ethno biography of him. Buffalo is a Leech Laker who described the system used by his people.

The Ojibwa took great care with their wild rice fields. They always ensured the rice was ripe before harvest and they always were sure to give thanks to Manitou, their word for God. “We migwItch mahnomen, the wild rice, migwItch maple sugar, migwItch the berries and garden, migwItch the seasons. MigwItch every season that you have. You should migwItch every season. That's what it is for, to migwItch Manitou,” said Buffalo. Along with this customary thank you, the Ojibwa also commonly leave behind an offering of tobacco or another item symbolizing their gratefulness for the bountiful resources provided them by Manitou. They did this because they knew that a good harvest was not guaranteed. All that it would take for a crop failure would be a significant water rise during the grass stage or a torrential hail/wind storm to pulverize the stocks. In the event of such a disaster, entire bands of Ojibwa may be forced to relocate in search of alternate food sources. The years from 1847-1853 were notoriously bad years for rice crops and earned the nickname “the starvation years.” During this period the Pillager band at Leech Lake of more than one thousand members moved west to hunt buffalo. The Pillager band was comprised of the original Mississippi Ojibwa and was settled on the Cass Lake, Lake Winnibigoshish, and Leech Lake Reservations (all three are contained within Leech Lake Reservation today). Data collected on several Minnesota lakes over the years showed that in years that water levels from May 15 to July 1 were six inches above normal there was a fifty percent rice crop failure, and in years with twelve inches or more above normal water levels during this time period, a near total failure was experienced (Vennum Jr.).

Wild Rice is also a staple for many wildlife species including insects, and an increase in these creatures also could significantly reduce the annual harvest. Probably the most common pest in the rice fields was the rice worm (Apamea apamiformis). They are small worms only about one-quarter inch in length, yet they can ruin stands of rice near shore and inflict a bite that can be quite bothersome to rice harvesters. Research done in Minnesota revealed that one larva per plant can reduce a wild rice crop by 10% (Oelke). Waterfowl also depend greatly upon the rice crops across the region. Because the rice fields were so attractive to waterfowl, the Ojibwa men often used them as a decoy to attract them into nets as well as concealment to ambush the birds with arrows or clubs. This was easily done because the birds were often sluggish in flight after feasting on the rice. Many other birds besides waterfowl also fed heavily on the ripening stands of wild rice; the red-winged blackbird was a common rice pilferer. The Ojibwa did not take the onslaught of winged bandits lightly. One account tells of an Ojibwa man named Henry Baker who was lame and unable to actively participate in the rice harvest. He erected a scarecrow in the rice fields and attached a cowbell to the top which he rang with a string attached to shore every time the birds would land and begin to feed (Veenum Jr.). Fluctuating water levels, intense storms, insects, disease, birds and mammals like the muskrat all threatened the annual rice harvest. This is why the Ojibwa always gave thanks to the Manitou.

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Manoominikewin ~ Making Rice

Eva Lips, an Ojibwa anthropologist described the rice harvest from the traditional Ojibwa perspective: “The rice harvest of the Ojibwa is not just an event with temporal boundaries of weeks—namely the weeks of the ripening of the harvest fruit and its processing and storage; it is the decisive event of the year, of the total economic life and with it, life itself” (Veenum Jr.). When the rice was finally ready to harvest, the Ojibwa would come together and form ricing camps. This was as much a social gathering as it was food production. Whole families traveled together and rejoined old friends at camp. There was much laughter and joy throughout the camps. There were many games and competitions for young folks to engage in such as lacrosse and canoe races. This was also an important time for courtship between young Ojibwa men and women (Veenum Jr.).

When it came time to harvest, the Ojibwa traditionally wore clean clothing and their canoes were always kept clean. They were careful to make sure that cleanliness was kept when gathering any sort of food. Rice chiefs were also appointed to monitor the rice prior to forming camps. The rice chief was the one who decided when the rice could be harvested (Buffalo).

The Ojibwa had two major methods of harvesting wild rice; tying rice and knocking rice. Those who were older or unable to find a ricing partner might have participated in an activity called tying rice. When Ojibwa tied rice they used strips of basswood twine and tied together bundles of rice heads. Rice bundled in this fashion usually ripened better and wasn’t lost to wind or birds as much. Though tedious, tying rice was a productive way for those who couldn’t rice with flails to harvest a good amount of rice (Veenum Jr.). When the tied bundles were ripe the rice bundle could simply be untied and shaken into the boat. Those who were young and able formed ricing partners and used a technique called knocking. When knocking rice one person is designated the poler and is charged with piloting the boat through the rice fields while the knocker sits and harvests.

There are three basic tools required to harvest using this technique; the canoe, the flails, and something to push the boat. The canoe was skillfully crafted of birch bark and pointed at each end. This type of canoe was usually anywhere from twelve to eighteen feet in length and ten to eighteen inches deep. Birch bark made the canoes light which allowed them to travel through the rice fields with ease on the poler and the rice. Often, for the purpose of cleanliness, Ojibwa would have a special canoe that they only used for ricing. To propel the canoes Ojibwa used either a long paddle with a small notch in the end to catch the bottom or a long pole with a wooden fork on the end. Some believed that the paddles were easier on the roots of the rice and that using forked poles were bad for the rice. (Buffalo) The pole was typically constructed of either small diameter balsam or spruce for its supple properties. Attached to the end of the pole was a carved or natural fork usually crafted from hardwood such as ash, maple, or hickory. The pole itself usually doubled as a clothesline at other times of the year (Veenum Jr.). Finally, the flails were also a very important tool and considerable detail was implemented in their construction. Flails were designed to be about two feet to about three and a half feet in length and about one and a quarter inch in diameter at the butt ends, gradually tapering to a blunt point. The flails had to be light weight so as not to tire the ricer too quickly. For this reason cedar was a popular wood chosen for the flail. Considerable craftsmanship was required to fashion ricing flails and they were usually carved to fit the hand of the person who owned them (Veenum Jr.).

Ojibwa only harvested rice when it was ripe so as to not damage the rice. When they found a patch of ripe rice the poler would guide the canoe back and forth across the rice field in a parallel fashion. As the canoe was moving through the rice the flailer would alternate sides of the canoe, gently pulling as much rice as possible over the edge of the canoe and gently flailing down and away to send the rice into the bottom of the canoe. Most ricers adopted a sort of ricing tempo that consisted of three beats (Reach and pull over, thresh, thresh, Reach and pull over, thresh, thresh). When wild rice is ripe it requires only gentle brushing of the flails to dislodge the rice into the canoe; however, attempting to harvest rice when it is not ripe or flailing too hard can damage the rice and threaten later harvest that year. Once the canoe was full, the ricers had seventy-five to one hundred pounds of rice and they then took it back to shore and unloaded. A good day of ricing is considered to be about two hundred pounds. Some Canadian estimates have been as high as seven hundred pounds. I grew up on the Big Sandy River which flows into Big Sandy Lake and during the late summer wild rice dominates its channel. My father recalls his uncle Jerry Brown and brother-in-law Robert Moe once harvested eight hundred pounds in one day of ricing on the river (Brown). I’ve never harvested over two hundred pounds in one day. That must’ve been a long day!

Once the rice was harvested it was placed onto large birch bark mats to dry. The rice was periodically stirred on these mats to hasten the drying process. During this process, pieces of chaff, stalks, and leaves were removed. Once the drying process was finished the rice was ready to be parched or smoke cured. Ojibwa used two methods of curing wild rice; fire drying or smoke drying rice on scaffolds above a fire and parching wild rice in a metal kettle. The latter was adopted with the arrival of metal with the European fur trade. Smoke drying employed the same scaffolds used for curing meat, fish, and berries. Fire dried wild rice was less labor intensive because it didn’t need constant turning like parching. It also kept indefinitely and unlike parched rice could be used as seed because the fire drying wouldn’t destroy the germ. The only downside to fire dried wild rice is it took longer to cook (Veenum Jr.).

Following the arrival of metal kettles, parching rice undoubtedly became the preferred method; however, the Ojibwa were also recorded for using a plant called scouring rush (Equisetum hymenale) which was so fire resistant it could be heated red-hot without burning. The rushes were woven tightly together to form mats that could be suspended over the fire (Veenum Jr.). Rice was then turned on these mats until roasted brown. Parching wild rice served two main purposes: destroying the germ prevented the kernel from sprouting so that it could be kept indefinitely; hardening the kernel loosened the hull so it could be broken off and discarded. Parching also scorched off the barbed end and any other rubbish that remained on the rice.

After wild rice is parched or dried it must be hulled to remove the close-fitting chaff. Men typically did this job because of its strenuous nature, but women also participated sometimes. The hulling process was accomplished through the construction of a bootaagan which was a pit designed to hull rice. These pits were usually dug into the ground and a ready-made pork barrel, lard tub, keg, or metal pail was placed inside. In earlier times the bootaagan was simply lined with clay or some type of skin. Once in the pit the rice was either churned, pounded, flailed or tread upon to separate the hulls. The most common method used was dancing or jigging which simply consisted of the bootaagan and two support poles which the dancer used to brace themselves. The jigger also wore special moccasins which were usually new and had high ankles so the pants could be tucked into them. In jigging the rice, the dancer worked the rice vigorously with his feet against the sides of the bootaagan in order to separate the chaff. Sometimes the Ojibwa sang songs to accompany the person jigging and give him rhythm (Veenum Jr.).

Once hulling was complete the rice was transported to a windy spot such as a rocky outcropping near the lakeshore or a spot on high ground. The rice was then placed in large birch bark trays and tossed vertically. By doing this the light weight chaff was carried away in the wind and the kernels of rice settled back into the tray. The trays themselves were among the largest constructed by the Ojibwa. The bottoms measured approximately nine by thirteen inches and their tops flared to about thirteen by twenty inches. Sturdy and light, these trays were ideal for the task.

Once winnowing was completed, the rice was then ready for storage. The Ojibwa used a number of different materials for storage, but most commonly used were either animal hides or birch bark containers. Birch bark is waterproof and also possesses anti-fungal properties. When rice is stored within these containers it keeps very well. As European traders began to arrive, Ojibwa began to harvest extra rice each year and they used fawn-skins to trade rice for other goods. The fawn-skin was commonly used as a unit of trade to the European trader. Large quantities of rice were traded to the fur buyers because they also depended on it for a winter food. One other method of storage was to dig a pit on high ground and burn a fire in the pit for two or three days to rid it of moisture. They would then layer it with braided grasses and other fiber to prepare it to hold the rice. These pits were usually six to seven feet deep so they were below the frost line and concealed from enemies who might plunder their reserves. Using these various methods the Ojibwa would always store enough rice for the winter and spring when they would use the sugar collected from maple to mix in a special dish with wild rice (Vennum Jr.).

Wild rice also played a very important role in Ojibwa religious ceremonies. During these events, rice was eaten as a feast food and it was also part of an offering to the Manitou. Wild rice was also thought to possess medicinal properties, thus whenever someone became ill rice was commonly eaten as medicine. To this day an annual celebration takes place in Ball Club on the Leech Lake Reservation. This powwow is called “Mig-witch Manoomin” (thanks for wild rice).

Neegoniwabungigaywin ~ The Future

Wild rice is still abundant in the northern lakes and rivers, but will it remain that way? Threats to water quality resulting from increased development and poor land use decisions may create a gray future for the plant that has given life to so many. New threats range from increased boat disturbance on native rice fields, improper harvesting, and genetically modified strains of rice that many Ojibwa fear may alter natural rice. These new threats do not go unnoticed by the Ojibwa however. Many Ojibwa have joined forces to stand against genetic modification of wild rice. The University of Minnesota has been working on new strains of wild rice that could be grown in commercial paddies. Although these new strains are supposed to be all sterile male cultivars, a fear exists among the Ojibwa people that this modified rice will cross with native rice and affect genetic diversity of the native crops (Tribal College Journal). There are strong opinions on both sides of the issue, and with neither side backing down; this issue looks to be one that will continue for some time.

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Works Cited

Brown, Larry G. Personal Interview. 31 Mar 2007.

Danziger, Edmund J. The Chippewas of Lake Superior. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1978.

Ruble, Renee. Minnesota Indians Faulting Wild Rice Genetic Research at University of Minnesota. 21 May 2002. Online. 21 Apr 2007 <http://www.mindfully.org/GE/GE4/
Indians-Fault-Wild-Rice-Research21may02.htm>.

Roufs, Timothy G. An Ethnographic Biography of Paul Peter Buffalo. 20 Feb 2007. Online. <http://www.d.umn.edu.cla/faculty/troufs/Buffalo>.

“LCO Community Wrestles With Bio-tech Issues.” Tribal College Journal 17.2 (2005): <https://tribalcollegejournal.org/themag/backissues/winter2005/
winter2005oc.htm>.

Veenum Jr., Thomas. Wild Rice and the Ojibway People. St. Paul, Minnesota: Minnesota Historical Society, 1988.

Warren, William W. History of the Ojibway People. St. Paul, Minnesota: Minnesota Historical Society, 1885.

Oelke, E.A. 1993. Wild rice: Domestication of a native North American genus. p. 235-243. In: J. Janick and J.E. Simon (eds.), New crops. Wiley, New York.

Lee, Sultzman. Ojibwe History. 21 Jun 2000. Online. 5 May 2007. <http://www.tolatsga.org/ojib.html>.