Running head: ERRANDS AND COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE
Yoruba Toddlers’ Engagement in Errands and Cognitive Performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale
Oluyomi A. Ogunnaike
Room
449, College of Professional Studies
University of Wisconsin - Stevens Point
Stevens Point, WI 54481
Phone: (715) 346 -
4742
Fax: (715) 346 - 4846
Email:
oogunnai@uwsp.edu
Robert F. Houser (Jnr)
School of Nutrition Science and Policy
Tufts University
Medford, MA 02155
Abstract
Responsibility
training is an essential component of child rearing practices in several
African societies. To inculcate responsibility, caregivers send their children
on errands, which include (but are not limited to) fetching objects, purchasing
items, and household duties. Such
errands foster the acquisition of cognitive, social, and economic competencies.
In this paper, the relationship between the types of errands engaged in by
Yoruba toddlers of southwest Nigeria and cognitive performance using an adapted
version of the Bayley Mental Scales of Development referred to as the Yoruba
Mental Subscale is examined. Findings revealed that children who engaged in
purchasing items and retrieving specific objects for the caregiver had a
significantly higher performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale compared to children
who did not engage in such errands. With regard to performance on the Bayley
Mental Scales, findings revealed no significant association with the errands
examined. The implications of these findings for cross - cultural research and
early childhood education are discussed.
Key
words: Errands, Yoruba Mental Subscale, Bayley Mental Scales, Yoruba toddlers,
Cognitive performance, Child rearing
Toddlers’
Engagement in Errands and Cognitive Performance[1]
“Children’s
cognitive and social development is inseparable from the social milieu in that
what children learn is a cultural curriculum: from the earliest days, they
build on the skills and perspectives of their society with the aid of other
people” (Rogoff, 1990, p. 190)
Societies differ in terms of child
rearing practices and goals for development (Aina, 1992; LeVine, Dixon, LeVine,
Richman, Leiderman, Keefer & Brazelton, 1994; Super & Harkness, 1986).
For example, responsibility, obedience, respect for elders, and helpfulness are
central to the child rearing practices in several African cultures (Babatunde,
1992; Nsamenang, 1992; Zeitlin, Megawangi, Kramer, Colletta, Babatunde, &
Garman, 1995).
Sending the child on errands within
and outside the home is one of the ways through which responsibility is fostered
in African societies (Harkness & Super, 1992; Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994;
Serpell, 1993; Whiting & Whiting, 1975). Examples of errands include
putting things away, fetching nearby or far objects, relaying messages or
bringing items to neighbors, and buying items from neighbors (Lancy, 1996;
Ogunnaike, 1997). These errands provide the African child with opportunities to
learn about the environment, dynamics of interacting with others, and practice
being helpful and responsible (Nsamenang, 1992; Serpell, 1993).
Nsamenang (1992) noted that
caregivers assess the social maturity of the growing African child through his
or her ability to perform errands and the child’s ability to complete errands
successfully influences caregiver perception of the child’s responsibility and
level of competence. Serpell (1993) gave an apt description of the role of
errands in the following words “adults presumably keep some kind of mental
tally of the proportion of errands that a given child performs adequately, and
this serves as an index of how “tumikila
“ (responsible) the child is” (p. 64). It follows then that the more errands a
child is able to perform successfully, the more she or he is entrusted with
other responsibilities.
The above research emphasized the importance
of errands in child rearing. However, there is a paucity of research on the
relationship between specific errands and developmental outcome, especially
cognitive performance of African children. Such research is needed to clarify
the dynamics and potentials of errands vis-a-vis child development with respect
to intelligence. Intelligence is defined differently across societies, thus, in
the following paragraph, we examine how intelligence is defined, particularly,
within the African context.
Emic definitions of intelligence
The definition of intelligence within cross -
cultural contexts has received much attention and documentation (Berry, 1984;
Greenfield, 1994; Mundy - Castle, 1975; Serpell, 1993). Central to these
authors' definitions and perspectives of intelligence is the significance of
the cultural environment and values.
Intelligence according to Mundy- Castle (1975) is
reflective of “differing strategies of adaptation involving distinctive
patterns of culturally determined skills” (p. 345). Among western societies,
intelligence is largely defined in terms of technological skills, while among
non - western societies, especially, in Africa, intelligence is defined in
terms of social skills and relationships (Mundy - Castle, 1975). The works of
researchers, namely, Dasen (1984), Kingsley (1985 cf Serpell, 1993), Nsamenang
and Lamb (1994), Serpell (1993), Super and Harkness (1986, 1997) lend credence
to the centrality of social skills such as responsibility, obedience,
helpfulness, and taking the initiative in the African definition of
intelligence. For example, among the Kipsigis of Kenya, an intelligent child
was perceived as one who performs household chores, goes on errands, and takes
care of the younger ones without being asked (Super & Harkness, 1986).
Among the Baoule, the term “n’glouele” (p. 126) translates to “intelligence” with a prominent
attribute, “o ti kpa” (Dasen, 1984). This term connotes
responsibility, obedience, willingness and/or initiative to perform chores,
errands, or tasks, without prior instructions. Compliance, politeness, and
respect for elders ("agnyhie"
p.127) were also highly valued attributes of intelligence among the Baoule
(Dasen, 1984). The A - Chewa people
of Zambia define intelligence, “nzelu” as
a combination of social responsibility and cognitive sharpness (Serpell, 1993).
The social responsibility dimension is referred to as “tumikila “ (p. 36), which connotes reliability, cooperation,
obedience, and helpfulness.
The present study examines the relationship
between intelligence reflected in responsibility training (errands) and
developmental outcome among Yoruba toddlers of southwest Nigeria. Particular
attention is paid to how the child’s ability to perform specific errands, e.g.
put things away and purchase items relate to cognitive performance on an
adapted version of the Bayley Mental Scale of Development named the Yoruba
Mental Subscale.
Conceptual framework of study
First, an overview is provided of the Yoruba
caregiving practices, settings, and parental ethnotheories as they pertain to
errands, organized according to the Developmental Niche framework (Super &
Harkness, 1986, 1997).
The developmental niche framework as
described by Super and Harkness (1986, 1997) represents an attempt to bridge a gap
between psychology and anthropology to explain the development of the young
child within a cultural context. The developmental niche concept was used to
explore the process through which culture mediates child development, and it
consists of three component subsystems, namely, physical and social settings in which the child lives, culturally
regulated customs of child care and child rearing, and psychology of the
caretakers.
This
component highlights the importance of the type of environment and people to
which the child is exposed early in life (Super & Harkness, 1997). The
Yoruba child grows up in a highly stimulating environment full of human and
material resources. The child is exposed to multiple caregiving by family members,
neighbors, relatives, all of whom are responsible for ensuring that the child
grows up to be a responsible member of society (Babatunde, 1992; Ogunnaike,
1997; Ohuche & Otaala, 1981; Timyan, 1988).
It is common to find closely - built houses among Yoruba communities. The houses are rectangular single - story buildings with a central corridor and a yard at the back (Eades, 1980). This style of house is commonly referred to as “face-to-face” (Zeitlin et al., 1995). As many as three or more different families can live together under a single roof on a rental basis. Depending on affordability, a family may occupy one or two rooms in a house of 6 - 8 rooms. The closeness of houses and communal living arrangement allows for close adult monitoring of children’s activities. For example, if a child was found walking away from home, someone was likely to call the attention of the child’s mother, sibling, or relative to verify whether the child was sent on an errand. If so, the neighbor was then likely to maintain a close watch or assign a suitable companion for the child (Aina, Agiobu - Kemmer, Etta, Zeitlin, & Setiloane 1993; Ogunnaike, 1997).
Trading is a major occupation among
the Yoruba. Thus, the child is exposed to rich language utilized by caregivers
as they engage in commercial and other transactions (Ohuche & Otaala,
1981). The child observes and listens to, and imitates older
siblings, mothers, neighbors, and customers exchange greetings, engage in
conversations about recent or past events, purchase items, retrieve or put away
objects, bargain and negotiate prices of items such as food stuff, household
items, and goods (Aina, 1992; Timyan, 1988).
This aspect emphasizes caregiver efforts in
facilitating the development of the child through specific "sequences of
behavior or institutional arrangements" (Super & Harkness, 1997, p.
27). Child rearing among the Yoruba can be described as a deliberate attempt to
“teach” the child from an early age how to relate to others appropriately, be
helpful, responsible, and respectful (Babatunde, 1992; Zeitlin et al., 1995).
The child is taught by family members, relatives, and other adults how to
listen, observe, and imitate others who exhibit obedience, respect for elders,
and selflessness (Babatunde, 1992; Ohuche & Otaala, 1981). Respect for
elders is reflected particularly through greetings. Boys are taught how to
prostrate, while girls are taught how to curtsy (Babatunde, 1992). Yoruba caregivers teach their children to be
responsible through participation in household chores and errands. Before age
five, Yoruba girls are taught how to perform household chores, namely, washing,
sweeping, and cooking and how to take care of their younger siblings (Akinware,
Wilson – Oyelaran, Ladipo, Pierce, & Zeitlin, 1992).
Because responsibility training is commonly
practiced in several African societies, this section, will provide relevant
information about such practices among the Yoruba culture, and also cite
findings from a few other African cultures.
As early as two years of age, Yoruba children are
asked to fetch nearby or far objects, put objects away, purchase items, perform
household chores e.g. sweeping or washing and also how to carry things for
older members of the community (Aina et al., 1993). Among the Kpelle of Liberia
(Lancy, 1966), young children engage in carrying water and firewood and serving
meals ("fetch and carry", p.145). In their study of six cultures,
Whiting and Whiting (1975) noted that mothers in what they termed "simple
societies" (e.g. Nyansongo of Kenya) expected their children to convey
message, fetch objects, and work on the farm and around the home. Successful
completion of errands is highly valued and rewarded through praise and
increased assignment of domestic and other responsibilities (Lancy, 1996,
Lloyd, 1970; Whiting & Edwards, 1988).
To begin teaching the child how to perform errands, the caregiver might ask the child to fetch nearby objects or put familiar objects away where they belong. Gradually, the child is asked to perform errands that take him or her away from the immediate household. Among the Yoruba, successful performance of an errand may require the ability to comprehend and process given information (Aina et al., 1993; Ogunnaike, 1997). For example, a Yoruba child instructed by the mother as follows “Lo sinu yara, ko si ba mi gbe apo ti mo ma gbe lo si oja wa” (literally, “go inside the room and bring me the purse I take with me to the market”) will need to figure out what part of the room the purse might be, the color, shape, and size of the particular purse. The ability to figure these aspects with or without assistance from older siblings or others facilitates a successful performance of this particular errand.
Findings from informal observations
and interviews held with certain Yoruba caregivers (Aina et al., 1993) also
suggest how adults in the neighborhood enhance the child’s successful
completion of errands. Due to the closeness of the houses in several low –
income neighborhoods (refer to discussion on physical setting), adults overtly
or covertly watch out for children as they walk around and play with their
friends. Depending on the perceived need of a child sent on errands, the adults
might assign an older companion to facilitate the completion of the assigned task.
Such facilitation has been documented in Vygotskian literature (see Greenfield,
1984; Rogoff, 1990; Rogoff & Lave, 1982 cf Lancy, 1996; Segall, Dasen,
Berry, & Poortinga, 1999).
Yoruba adults facilitate the child’s engagement
and accomplishment of a task through tacit guidance (Aina et al., 1993; Rogoff,
1990). These authors note that if a child is sent to purchase an item from a
neighbor, the child’s mother will inform the neighbor about the child’s
mission. Both adults, although, they may be engaged in other activities or
transactions, are likely to monitor the child’s itinerary or ask an older
sibling to keep an eye on the child.
In summary, responsibility, obedience, helpfulness, and
reliability are central to child rearing among the Yoruba and other African
cultures emphasizes (Lancy, 1996; Serpell, 1993;Whiting & Whiting, 1975).
Children are expected to listen, watch, and imitate behaviors reflective of
obedience, responsibility, and helpfulness. Particularly, adults teach, guide,
and provide the necessary support that enhances children’s successful
completion of errands and chores (Segall et al., 1999).
According to Super and Harkness (1997), parental
behaviors and expectations for their children are guided by “ethnotheories”.
Ethnotheories refer to the beliefs about the nature of children, what
constitutes their needs, parenting goals, as well as the beliefs about
effective styles of child - rearing. For example, a "good child” is
described as loyal, hardworking, obedient and respectful by Kpelle adults in
Liberia (Lancy, 1996). The Yoruba people believe that children are “the highest
good” (Zeitlin et al., 1995, p. 157). Children represent the vessel through
which societal goals, values, hope, and aspirations are projected and nurtured
by the young and the old (Aina, 1992).
How caregivers’ beliefs affect responsibility training among the Yoruba
Central to Yoruba cultural beliefs is the concept
of responsibility vis-à-vis mobility.
Yoruba caregivers believe that early attainment of mobility has
implications for adequate and effective training in responsibility (Aina et
al., 1993). A Yoruba child that walks early is regarded as healthy and sent on
errands or trusted with other responsibility. Thus, the child’s motor ability
is fostered from an early age. For example, Agiobu – Kemmer (1984) noted that
Yoruba caregivers foster early mobility by placing a favorite toy at a distance
for the child to retrieve. Aina and colleagues (Aina et al., 1993), and Zeitlin
and associates (Zeitlin et al., 1995) learned that Yoruba caregivers enhance
mobility by reducing the child’s intake of heavy staple foods rich in
carbohydrate or starch. Findings from interviews and informal observations of
low – income households in Lagos and Ogun states reveal that from the age of
three months, Yoruba caregivers prop girls in a sitting position with cushions
(Aina et al., 1993). Due to the fear of crushing the testicles, boys, from the
age of five months, were propped in a sitting position with cushions. Thus, it
could be assumed that mobility among girls occurs earlier than boys. Such early mobility among Yoruba girls is
likely to affect how frequently they are sent on errands compared to their male
counterparts.
Conclusion:
Responsibility training and multiple
caregiving are central to parenting beliefs in many African societies,
particularly, among Yoruba caregivers. These beliefs, especially responsibility
training, guide the caregiver – child interactions that are reflected in
practices such as reducing the intake of heavy staple foods, propping girls in
a sitting position earlier than boys and sending the child on errands.
The closeness of the houses (physical and social setting) and a sense of
communal responsibility for the young enhance multiple caregiving among the
Yoruba people of southwest Nigeria.
Errands and child developmental
outcomes
To explore the relationship between
errands and cognitive performance, an adapted version of the Bayley Mental
Scales of Development (Bayley, 1969) referred to as the Yoruba Mental Subscale
was designed. This test format was chosen in order to have an evaluation
distinct from naturally occurring contexts.
The study also examined the impact of location on
children's performance based on the literature that suggests different
developmental outcomes for children living in urban versus rural settings (Aina
et al., 1993; Hope & Bierman, 1998; Weisner, 1974, cf Nerlove & Snipper
(1981); Widmayer, Peterson, Larner, Carnahan, Calderon, Wingerd, &
Marshall, 1990). In a study cited by
Nerlove and Sniper (1981), urban children were reported to experience more
exposure to a variety of languages, several adult figures, and lived in more
crowded places compared to their counterparts in rural settings. Also, Weisner (1976
cf Nerlove & Snipper, 1981) reported that urban children differed from
rural children in their performance on cognitive tasks. Urban children, who were found to be more
assertive and independent, had significantly higher performance on exploratory
- manipulative tasks compared to rural children. The latter, however, performed
better on experimental tasks that required compliance and deference to the
experimenter. Other authors, namely, Aina and associates (1993), and Fjellan
(1971 cf Nerlove & Snipper, 1981) emphasize the need to consider children's
familiarity with test materials, which may or may not be associated with urban
- rural settings in considering the role of location on performance. More
studies are needed on the urban - rural differences in children's performance
before final conclusions can be made.
A total of 25 items from the Bayley Mental Scales
of Development reflective of salient culturally – relevant skills fostered by Yoruba
caregivers, namely, listening, observation, imitation, and ability to follow
instructions (Babatunde, 1992; Ohuche & Otaala, 1981) were chosen and
adapted as the Yoruba Mental Subscale. These items required the child to name
or point to objects, imitate the tester's action, listen and obey the tester
(comprehension). Items that required naming and comprehension were included
based on findings from UNICEF studies and focus group discussions conducted by
Tade Aina and associates (Aina et al., 1993). Aina's findings suggest that
caregivers, especially, older siblings, encouraged younger children to identify
and name common objects, for example, plates, silverware, clothes, food
items, body parts, and pictures around the house. Further, Yoruba mothers who were interviewed by Aina and his
associates on how they prepared their toddlers for formal schooling emphasized
the importance of the child’s ability to name objects in the environment (Aina
et al., 1993).
The process of constructing the Yoruba Mental Subscale
involved statistical analyses of the initial 25 items for consistency. Only 15 of these items were found to have
high alpha coefficients, and thus, utilized as the Yoruba Mental Subscale. This
was done to establish a measure/index that reflects cognitive abilities
fostered in this niche that are accessible to elicitation from this population
in a test format, as distinct from naturally recurring contexts. The items on
the Subscale are described in detail in the Method section of this paper.
Similar adaptations of the Bayley Mental Scales
was earlier carried out by Sigman, Neumann, Carter, Cattle, D’Souza and Bwibo
(1988) in their work with Embu toddlers in a rural community in Kenya, East
Africa by using local materials or omitting items that were unfamiliar to Embu
toddlers.
In
this study, the relationship between Yoruba toddler’s engagement in errands,
namely, putting things away, and purchasing items, and cognitive performance on
the Yoruba Mental Subscale in three different locations, namely, rural, semi -
urban, and urban was examined. The
relationship between these errands and the Bayley Mental Scale of Development
was also examined.
The
following hypotheses guided the study:
(1).
Because errands constitute an important cultural activity geared toward
promoting competency among Yoruba children (Akinware et al., 1992; Zeitlin et
al., 1995), those who engaged in errands will have a significantly higher
performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale and the Bayley Mental Scale of
Development compared to their counterparts who did not.
(2).
Errands will differ in their association with cognitive performance. Children
who are sent on errands that take them away from the immediate household,
especially, purchasing items, utilize a variety of skills e.g. perceptual -
motor, language, memory, and problem solving strategies (Ohuche & Otaala,
1981) Thus, children who purchase items for caregivers will have a
significantly higher cognitive performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale than
children who did not.
The study was part of a larger,
cross - sectional study examining the relationship between parenting beliefs,
caregiving practices and developmental outcomes outcome (e.g. cognitive
competence and nutritional development) among the Yoruba people of southwest
Nigeria.
Method
Participants
A total of 207 low - income
households in urban, semi-urban, and rural Yoruba communities participated in
the study. Eligibility for household selection included the following
specifications: - mother is Yoruba, target child is 22 to 26 months old, birth
certificate to verify age, child is not a twin, both mother and child are
present in the household. A systematic
sampling system that involved the selection of every second house was used to
ensure the inclusion of all eligible households in the study.
The urban sample (n = 95) was drawn
from a predominantly low - income settlement of Makoko in Lagos City. The rural
sample (n = 20) was drawn from six selected small rural villages in Ifo - Otta
Local Government Area (LGA) in Ogun State. The semi - urban sample (n = 92) was
selected from two medium - sized, semi - urban towns in Ifo - Otta Local
Government Area (LGA). The rural and semi - urban settlements are located off
the main Lagos - Abeokuta road about an hour, or more from Lagos by vehicle.
Materials.
The following materials were used:
(1)
A comprehensive socio - demographic questionnaire containing questions about
child care, responsibility training (errands), beliefs and attitudes, and socio
- economic status (age, occupation, education) of caregivers.
(2) A Yoruba Mental Subscale, adapted from the
Bayley Scales of Infant Development (Bayley, 1969). The Subscale consisted of
15 items selected from the Bayley Mental Scales. They included items on building with red cubes (#s 143, 161,
& 154), imitation of crayon strokes
(# 125), picture identification (#s
132 & 139), discrimination of
objects (#s 144 & 152), prepositions
(#s 158, 162, & 163), and object
naming (#s 130, 138, & 141). These items were chosen based on their
reflection of skills such as listening, respect, obedience, and following
instructions. Yoruba ethnotheory particularly fosters the ability to listen,
watch keenly what is going on in the environment, and say little (especially in
the presence of strangers or adults) except when asked to.
Design
and Procedure.
Field work began in the second week of 1988, after two months of training, instrument development and pretesting by field workers. Nine female Yoruba students, 2 of who were graduates (one is the primary author) of Psychology and Sociology at the University of Lagos, Nigeria, visited selected households where interviews and testing took place.
Mothers were interviewed in Yoruba,
the local language, on feeding, child care, parental aspirations and beliefs,
responsibility training, health, exposure to media, literacy, socioeconomic
status, and family history. Pertinent to this study was the question about
responsibility training through errands. Mothers were asked “Have you already
started to teach (child’s name) to do small errands for you? Has child started
to: (a) Put things away? (b) Buy things?
Yoruba mothers were also asked other questions
about responsibility training such as fetching objects, washing own hands,
washing cups and plates, doing household chores e.g. sweeping and washing
clothes. As the mother answered these and other questions, another field worker
tested the child on the Bayley Mental and Motor Scales of Development. The
Bayley Mental Scales assess cognitive skills such as perception, memory,
language, rudimentary abstract thinking. The data were recorded on precoded
forms that were checked for error within 24 hours of collection.
Scoring.
Maternal responses. The mother’s responses to the errands’ questions
were coded as follows: 1= no, child has
not started doing this; 2 = yes, child does this. The data were
analyzed at Tufts University with the Statistical Package for the Social
Sciences (SPSSX 1988). Differences in
maternal report of errand performance across location were examined using cross
– tabulation (chi – square) and Analysis of Variance.
Locations. The locations
(independent variables) were coded on a 3 point scale; 1 = rural, semi-urban =
2, urban = 3.
Yoruba Mental Subscale (YMS). A total of 25 items that required comprehension,
imitation, obedience, and following directions were chosen from the Bayley
Mental Scales. Each item was recoded on a 2-point scale (0 =fail, 1 = pass),
the higher score indicative of a pass. Some omitted or refused items, for
example, pointing to parts of the doll (# 128) and attains toy with stick (#
122) were not included in the YMS. The
consistency of performance across the items was explored using the Kuder - Richardson
20. Only 15 of these items revealed high consistency and the alpha coefficient
calculated from these items indicated they should be retained for use as the
Yoruba Mental Development Index (YMDI).
The number of items passed on the Yoruba Mental Subscale was calculated
for each Yoruba toddler and differences in cognitive performance across
location were analyzed using Analysis of Variance and cross-tabulation (chi –
square). Spearman Correlation was used to examine the relationship between
maternal report of errands and performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale.
Result
Descriptive information about the
errands reported by Yoruba mothers and items on the Yoruba Mental Subscale are
presented in Table 1. Information about the developmental characteristics of
the index child is also included.
Table 1
Yoruba
Mental Subscale (adapted from Bayley Mental Scales of Development)
|
Item
Description |
Item #
on the Bayley |
|
Builds tower of 6 cubes |
# 143 |
|
Builds tower of 8 cubes |
# 161 |
|
Builds train of cubes |
# 154 |
|
Finds 2 objects |
# 131 |
|
Points to 3 pictures |
# 132 |
|
Points to 5 pictures |
# 139 |
|
Imitates crayon strokes |
# 125 |
|
Discriminates 2 objects |
# 144 |
|
Discriminates 3 objects |
# 152 |
|
Understands 2 prepositions |
# 158 |
|
Understands 3 prepositions |
# 163 |
|
Understands concept of one |
# 162 |
|
Names 1 object |
# 130 |
|
Names 2 objects |
# 138 |
|
Names 3 objects |
# 141 |
Performance of errands across locations. Differences regarding errand performance across
location was analyzed using cross - tabulation (chi - square) and Analysis of
Variance (ANOVA). Mothers reported that a higher percentage of children in the
urban and semi – urban areas engaged in purchasing items and putting things
away, compared to the percentage of children reported in the rural areas.
Association among errands,
gender, and age. Findings reported
in Table 2 indicate that children who put things away were also sent to
purchase items (r = . 19, p < . 01). Differences in
participation based on gender, age, and location were also noted. Older Yoruba
toddlers, especially, girls, were more likely to be sent to put things away and
to purchase items for the caregiver.
Errands
and cognitive performance.
Children who bought things for their caregivers (r =. 26, p <
. 001) had significantly higher scores on the Yoruba Mental Subscale compared
to children who put things away(r =. 14, p < . 10). Also,
older children, (r =. 44, p < . 001), and those residing in
the urban area (r =. 21, p < . 01) scored significantly higher
on the Yoruba Mental Subscale compared to children that are younger and those
living in the rural areas. None of the reported errands was significantly
associated with performance on the Bayley Mental Scales. However, younger
children, (r = -. 25, p < . 001), and children who lived in
the urban area (r = . 28, p < . 001) had significantly higher
scores on the Bayley Mental Scales
compared to older children.
Table 2
Major Variable
Descriptives
|
Types of Errands |
% of children who performed the errand |
N |
Yoruba Mental Subscale |
% of children who passed the item |
N |
|
Child puts things away |
92.7% |
206 |
Builds towers of 6
cubes |
73.4% |
207 |
|
Child buys things |
75.2% |
206 |
Builds towers of 8
cubes |
42% |
207 |
|
|
|
|
Builds train of cubes |
52% |
202 |
|
|
|
|
Finds 2 objects |
89.7% |
204 |
|
|
|
|
Points to 3 pictures |
59.5% |
200 |
|
|
|
|
Points to 5 pictures |
36% |
200 |
|
|
|
|
Imitates crayon strokes |
91.6% |
203 |
|
|
|
|
Discriminates 2 objects |
88.6% |
201 |
|
|
|
|
Discriminates 3 objects |
65.8% |
201 |
|
|
|
|
Understands 2
prepositions |
35.8% |
204 |
|
|
|
|
Understands 3 prepositions |
9.8% |
204 |
|
|
|
|
Understands concept of
one |
17.2% |
204 |
|
|
|
|
Names 1 object |
45.1% |
204 |
|
|
|
|
Names 2 objects |
20.7% |
203 |
|
|
|
|
Names 3 objects |
11.2% |
205 |
Also, a simple linear regression was performed
with the Yoruba Mental Development Index (YMDI) predicted by age of child. The
unstandardized residuals of this regression were calculated in order to create
an age adjusted Yoruba Mental Development Index. Multiple linear regression
analysis was performed to create a model that examined possible relationships
between errands and the age adjusted Yoruba Mental Development Index. Table 3
presents the results of the multiple regression analysis. Purchasing items for the caregiver
significantly predicted the age adjusted Yoruba Mental Development scores.
Similarly, female gender and urban location of residence were significant
predictors. Although the adjusted R square value is fairly low, three of the
variables studied were significant in predicting cognitive performance.
Table
3
Developmental
Characteristics of the Sample By Location
|
|
Rural |
Semi-Urban |
Urban |
|
Mental
Devpt Index (Bayley) |
83.
1 a (20) |
91. 7 ab (92) |
95. 4 ab (94) |
|
Yoruba Mental Devpt Index |
5. 7 a (17) |
7. 3 ab (80) |
8. 2 ab (90) |
|
Physical
Devpt Index (Bayley) |
99. 3 b (18) |
101. 9 a (90) |
106. 6 ab (92) |
|
Child’s
Age |
23.
6 (20) |
23.
9 (92) |
24 (94) |
Note. Means having the same subscript are significantly
different at p < . 01.
Figures in ( ) represent the sample size.
Discussion
The present data are congruent with
literature suggesting that cultural activities are associated with child
development (Agiobu - Kemmer, 1984; Ginsburg, Posner, & Russell, 1981;
Oloko, 1994; Serpell, 1993). As it was hypothesized, children who engaged in
errands had a significant higher performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale than
children who did not engage in errands. In particular, children's engagement in
item purchase for caregivers was associated with significant performance on the
Yoruba Mental Subscale.
This finding could be attributed to several
factors, one of which is reflected in the level of child’s competence. Children
who were asked to purchase things may have had a history of successful
completion of errands and perceived by their caregivers to be more reliable
and responsible. Among the Yoruba, such “reliable” children are trusted
with further responsibilities, especially those that are related to commercial
transactions (Ohuche & Otaala, 1981). Thus, these “reliable” children
acquire and enhance skills (see Serpell, 1993, for details) that may have
facilitated performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale.
Similar findings have been reported in other
cross-cultural research. For example, findings from the study conducted among
young Dioula children of Ivory Coast (Ginsburg et al., 1981), suggest that children’s
frequent manipulation of merchandise (for e.g. sorting and regrouping items
into groups of fives and tens) was associated with enhanced performance on
addition and subtraction tasks. Also, Oloko (1994) noted that Yoruba school -
age children that engaged in street trading had higher academic ratings in
English, arithmetic, and general knowledge, compared to their non - working
counterparts.
Present findings also indicate no
significant associations among errands and performance on the Bayley Mental
Scales. The western orientation of the Bayley has been cited as a mediating
factor (Aina et al., 1993). Also, the fact that Yoruba children are reared in
what Robert Serpell (1993, page 23) described as a “qualitatively different
cultural environment” could account for the lack of significant performance on
the Bayley.
Present findings also confirm an
association among certain errands and cognitive performance on the Yoruba
Mental Subscale. As earlier mentioned, children who engaged in purchasing items,
an errand, which took children away from their immediate household had a
significantly enhanced cognitive performance. The enhanced cognitive
performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale by children who purchased items for
their caregivers could be attributed to caregiver perception and level of
child’s competence (see Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994; Serpell, 1993 for details).
Before being entrusted with the responsibility of purchasing items, it is
likely that the child demonstrated a certain level of competence in
understanding and communicating the rules of commercial transaction such as
listening, understanding the concept of money, ability to navigate the
neighborhood and recognize common household items (Zeitlin et al., 1995).
Caregivers and other adults are more inclined to send such a competent child to
purchase household and / or other items more often, thus enhancing his or her
proficiency in commercial transactions.
And a child that is proficient in commercial transactions within
immediate neighborhood is entrusted with other commercial activities in a
larger context.
Other factors associated with
enhanced performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale include age and location.
Older children scored significantly higher compared to younger children, while
children living in urban areas performed significantly better than their rural
counterparts. Recall that older Yoruba
children frequently engaged in errands, thus fostering the proficiency of
skills, namely, language, cognition, and memory, which might have translated to
better performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale. In contrast to the positive link with age, younger children,
overall, performed significantly better on the Bayley Mental Scales (see Coll,
Buckner, Brooks, Weinreb, & Bassuk, 1998 for similar findings). Thus, after
the first year of life, there is a precipitous decline on the Bayley among
Yoruba toddlers. The performance of Yoruba toddlers could be an indication of
the cultural inappropriateness of the Bayley (Aina et al., 1993). The 25 items,
out of which 15 were finally chosen to form the Yoruba Mental Subscale, negated
the age-related decline. Yoruba children had excellent performance on items
that involved following directions, imitation, and limited verbal interactions.
In order to have a valid assessment tool, items had to be omitted in which the
toddlers’ performance indicated no variability, for e.g. pointing to parts of
the doll, imitating horizontal and vertical strokes, and use of gestures (see
Appendix for the items omitted from the Yoruba Mental Subscale). A combination of the omitted and retained
items underlie the importance of providing children with tasks that require the
use of familiar skills or skills promoted by their environment.
Regarding location, performance on the Yoruba
Mental Subscale may be associated with differences in the level of familiarity
with the test materials (cf Nerlove & Snipper, 1981). By virtue of the impact of modernization,
children residing in urban locations may have been exposed to toys and other
resources that demand a certain level of manipulation or interaction akin to
the requirements of the Yoruba Mental Subscale and other items on the Bayley
Mental Scales.
In terms of qualifying this research for
understanding developmental processes in general, it is important to understand
that the Yoruba or any other African child does not automatically qualify to
buy things as soon as she or he is two years old. Children are provided
learning opportunities to practice running other errands such as putting things
away, fetching objects, or relaying messages to others in the household. And
regardless of the errands, children are expected to listen, and try their best
in figuring out what is expected of them with or without others’ assistance
(Zeitlin et al., 1995).
Present findings lend credence to Serpell’s claim
about the difference in the child - rearing environment of African children
compared to their counterparts in the western or highly technological
environment (see also Mundy-Castle, 1975). As mentioned throughout the paper,
the African child grows up in an environment that fosters responsibility,
respect, obedience, and helpfulness from an early age. The child grows up in
the environment to which he or she adapts to through listening, imitation, keen
observation, being helpful and obedient. We believe that these social
skills, though not widely acknowledged in child development research, except in
cross – cultural studies, play a significant role in cognitive performance of
young African children. The Yoruba Mental Subscale has enabled us to assess the
significance of the association between the Yoruba child’s involvement in
errands and performance on a cognitive assessment tool. Unlike the Bayley
Mental Scales that revealed a decline in performance with age, the Yoruba
Mental subscale indicated enhanced performance among older children.
Findings from Cameroon (Nsamenang & Lamb,
1994) and Zambia (Serpell, 1993), clearly stressed that parental assignment of
responsibilities, particularly, errands, underscores caregiver perception of
child’s capabilities and sense of responsibility. Caregivers adopt a style of gradually
introducing their children to the challenges of errands that take the child
away from home. For example, a 26-month old Yoruba boy named Wole, is sent to
purchase a bag of detergent from the neighbor’s store. Wole is likely to have
participated and successfully completed other errands such as fetching objects,
putting things away, etc, before being asked to purchase the detergent.
This procedure of a gradual or systematic increase
in responsibilities or tasks in accordance with the learner's skill is
described as scaffolding (Greenfield, 1984; Segall et al., 1999). Like
caregivers from other African societies, Yoruba caregivers begin the process of
scaffolding vis-à-vis responsibility training by sending their young children
on simple errands - for example, fetching nearby objects, or/and carrying water
in a small bowl. Although these errands may or may not require much caregiver
assistance, as the child completes these simple errands successfully, he or she
is introduced to more complex errands such as relaying messages or purchasing
items from the neighbors.
The caregiver structures the child's performance
of these errands through keen observation, assistance of others (older siblings
OR capable peers), communication with the neighbor about the child's itinerary,
and simple instructions or steps to facilitate success (for example, Wole's
mother may have tied the cash for the detergent in a cloth and placed it in his
pocket; or informed Wole that she was watching him to ensure his safe arrival
at the neighbor's - see page 191 of Segall and associates (1999)'s discussion on shaping). Thus, older siblings, capable peers, and
adult caregivers serve as a scaffold. Collaboration with these adults
facilitates the child's performance and skill acquisition.
Conclusion.
Present findings require cautious
interpretation due to the paucity of the items on the Yoruba Mental Subscale
and also because other factors associated with performance, namely, presence of
siblings, frequency of errands, and sibling “coaching” were not examined in the
present study. An examination of the frequency of errands, caregiver perception
of child’s competence and caregiver support will complement present findings
and provide a broader picture of the role of errands in child rearing and
children’s developmental outcomes in African cultures.
These findings have implications for
cross - cultural research and early childhood educators. To broaden our
understanding of the implications of cultural practices, educators and
researchers will need to come up with research methods that provide in depth
information about child rearing goals, and how caregivers guide children’s behaviors
to achieve these goals specifically or broadly, and the mechanisms whereby
errands or other methods of responsibility training relate to child
development. For example, are there
mediating variables in the child’s environment that contribute or affect
certain child rearing practices, which in turn affect child outcome? Are there
differences in caregiver guidance in shared cultural activities? If so, are
these differences associated with child development and outcome? The present
study has attempted to unravel how child rearing among the Yoruba relates to
child development, particularly, cognitive performance.
Early childhood educators concerned
about the issue of culture in their programs will benefit from these results.
These educators could utilize the knowledge about the importance of cultural
practices in fostering an atmosphere of respect and appreciation in
their programs. Present findings and other resources on cultural practices can
serve to inform curriculum planning and opportunities for parental involvement
in the classroom.
The social reality of the African child includes participation in
work, chores, and errands, which in turn foster the acquisition of culturally -
relevant skills and learning of appropriate roles. The present findings
exemplify the importance of errands in the development of the Yoruba toddler.
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